Casassa’s and Dudley’s ethnographies are unique, however, they both use many of the methods presented by Ballenger to explore different subcultures in their essays. Ballenger states that the purpose of an ethnographic work is to “inquiry into a culture to expose the web in which members of a group are enmeshed” (371). In “The Coffee Shop” and “The Dope on Head Shops,” Casassa and Dudley analyze the essential qualities of two different places to discover how a specific group of people identifies with them. While discussing possible subjects for an ethnography, Ballenger writes that there probably is not a distinct coffeehouse culture, but I believe Casassa proves him wrong with her essay. Through her research, she explains that the regulars at the Gourmet are not just coffee addicts, but “creatures of habit” who are “living rhythmic lives” (B36). The personal and familiar atmosphere of the shop keeps the customers returning somewhat religiously, and creates a unique counterculture among the regulars. Besides being a source of consistency in people’s lives, Casassa writes that the “small coffee shop creates a sense of family not often found in commercialized chains” (B35). To effectively explain this subculture of the Gourmet, she relies on observations and interviews for evidence, both of which are research methods introduced by Ballenger. As many ethnographers do, Casassa spends time in the natural setting of the subculture observing the activities of its group members. She is no outsider, though. Her observation is rather personal and comes from the time she spent as an employee at the shop. I think her own experience reinforces the idea of the common bond the Gourmet creates for people. Reflecting on her typical workday, Casassa describes it as, “hectic, exhausting, comfortable, familiar…just right” (B35). Her interview with one of the regulars, Dennis, also helps define the subculture. Dennis comments that, “there exists a certain ritualism here. Everyone has their own little niche” (B36). According to Ballenger, rituals, like the one Denis describes here, are an important part of defining a subculture. Overall, I believe that Casassa’s essay is largely subjective. Even though Ballenger recommends that ethnographers “overcome the potential screen of subjectivity” (374), I think Casassa’s personal connections with the Gourmet are, however, vital in helping explain the significance of the shop to its loyal customers.
In “The Dope on the Slope,” Dudley does not have a personal tie with his subject like Casassa, but his essay still fits Ballenger’s definition of an ethnography. Ballenger explains that in certain subcultures, members of the group have their own personal beliefs but can still identify with the group indirectly (373). Dudley writes that the Hempest appeals to a “diverse range of customers,” from the “legalization activist, to the vegetarian naturalist, to the counter culturally fashionable teenager” (B41, B42). Though they may have different motives, each of these customers has a common interest in hemp products. In contrast to “The Coffee Shop,” Dudley’s essay is mostly objective and also uses secondary research to explain his subject. Dudley spends less time than Casassa describing the behaviors of the customers who enter the two shops. He does, however, explain that, “customers frequent the shop for a variety of reasons, including the desire to show political and economic support for both hemp products and for marijuana” (B41). To back this claim up, he relies quotes in the Boston Globe from some of the Hempest’s regular customers about their attraction to hemp products. Throughout the essay, Dudley also uses secondary sources to provide the background, history and controversies surrounding hemp products. For example, Dudley quotes a Rolling Stone magazine to explain how hemp stores were created as “a store that would sell anything an acid head might be interested in” (B39). I think that the objectiveness of his essay is not as effective in comparison to Casassa’s essay. Dudley does not have a personal connection with his topic, which makes it difficult for me to understand how customers of the Hempest identify themselves as group members.
Trying to find a balance between subjective writing and objective writing in my paper will be a challenge. During my research, I want to be objective so I can see the subculture as a group member would see it. However, I do not want to be too much of an outsider like Dudley. I want to be able to find a way to connect to the counterculture I choose, and find a way that their values, beliefs, or rituals can have meaning in my own life.
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1 comment:
I like how vividly you break down both authors’ ethnographic essays. Casassa did prove Ballenger wrong about the coffee shop and I liked that you put that in your essay because I also noticed that. I also liked how you said Dudley doesn’t personally have anything to do with head shops but he does is able to perform all of the features of an ethnographic essay. Casassa described her costumers more than Dudley and I also noticed that as well. She gave a feel of the people that enter the coffee shop everyday unlike Dudley. I liked your ending about connecting to a subculture and I hope to do the same.
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